{"id":14702,"date":"2019-12-29T14:03:15","date_gmt":"2019-12-29T06:03:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/2019\/12\/31\/640e04ac7a\/"},"modified":"2020-01-05T22:43:52","modified_gmt":"2020-01-05T14:43:52","slug":"640e04ac7a","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/2019\/12\/29\/640e04ac7a\/","title":{"rendered":"\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c14\u671f|Chinese Journal of International Politics, No.3, 2019"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\u300a\u4e2d\u56fd\u56fd\u9645\u653f\u6cbb\u6742\u5fd7\u300b\uff08The Chinese Journal of International Politics<\/em>\uff09\u6210\u7acb\u4e8e2006\u5e74\uff0c\u4e3b\u7f16\u662f\u5b59\u5b66\u5cf0\uff0c\u662f\u7531\u725b\u6d25\u5927\u5b66\u51fa\u7248\u793e\u6bcf\u5b63\u5ea6\u51fa\u7248\u7684\u7ecf\u540c\u884c\u8bc4\u8bae\u7684\u5b66\u672f\u671f\u520a\uff0c\u4ee5\u73b0\u4ee3\u65b9\u6cd5\u8bba\u4e3a\u57fa\u7840\u7814\u7a76\u56fd\u9645\u5173\u7cfb\uff0c\u4e5f\u53d1\u8868\u5386\u53f2\u7814\u7a76\u548c\u653f\u7b56\u5bfc\u5411\u7684\u8bba\u6587\u3002\u8be5\u671f\u520a\u5927\u90e8\u5206\u6587\u7ae0\u6216\u4e0e\u4e2d\u56fd\u6709\u5173\uff0c\u6216\u5bf9\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u6709\u5f71\u54cd\u3002<\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>1. \u5386\u53f2\u5730\u7f18\u653f\u6cbb\u8bed\u5883\u548c\u4e2d\u56fd\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u7684\u8f6c\u578b<\/strong><\/p>\n

Historical\u2013Geopolitical Contexts and the Transformation of Chinese Foreign Policy <\/section>\n
Colin Flint, Zhang Xiaotong\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n


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\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>2. \u4e89\u53d6\u6709\u4e89\u8bae\u6027\u7684\u591a\u8fb9\u4e3b\u4e49\uff1a\u4e3a\u4f55\u897f\u65b9\u56fd\u5bb6\u4f1a\u6210\u4e3aAIIB\u521b\u59cb\u6210\u5458\u56fd\uff1f<\/strong><\/section>\n
Contesting Contested Multilateralism: Why the West Joined the Rest in Founding the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank<\/section>\n
Jan Knoerich, Francisco Urdinez\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n


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\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>3. \u65b0\u51b7\u6218\u4e0d\u53ef\u907f\u514d\u5417? \u2014\u2014\u4e2d\u56fd\u5bf9\u7f8e\u4e2d\u6218\u7565\u7ade\u4e89\u7684\u601d\u8003<\/strong><\/p>\n

Is a New Cold War Inevitable? Chinese Perspectives on US\u2013China Strategic Competition <\/section>\n
Minghao Zhao<\/section>\n

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Gift-giving as a Source of International Authority<\/section>\n
Jorg Kustermans\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/section>\n


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Why Appoint a Weak Mediator? A Strategic Choice to Reduce Uncertainty in International Mediation<\/section>\n
Yiyi Chen\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span>\u200d<\/span><\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n
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1.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Historical\u2013Geopolitical Contexts and the Transformation of Chinese Foreign Policy<\/span><\/section>\n


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\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/span><\/strong>ColinFlint: \u79d1\u6797\u00b7\u5f17\u6797\u7279\uff0c\u72b9\u4ed6\u5dde\u7acb\u5927\u5b66\u653f\u6cbb\u5b66\u6559\u6388\u3002\u5f20\u6653\u901a\uff1a\u6b66\u6c49\u5927\u5b66\u653f\u6cbb\u4e0e\u516c\u5171\u7ba1\u7406\u5b66\u9662\u6559\u6388<\/span>\u3002<\/span>
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\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/span><\/strong>\u8fc7\u53bb\u51e0\u5e74\uff0c\u4e2d\u56fd\u505a\u51fa\u4e86\u5f15\u4eba\u6ce8\u76ee\u7684\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u51b3\u5b9a\uff0c\u6539\u53d8\u4e86\u5168\u7403\u683c\u5c40\u548c\u5176\u4ed6\u56fd\u5bb6\u7684\u884c\u4e3a\u3002\u8981\u5145\u5206\u4e86\u89e3\u4e2d\u56fd\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u7684\u673a\u9047\u548c\u5c40\u9650\u6027\uff0c\u5c31\u9700\u8981\u4e86\u89e3\u5176\u5730\u7f18\u653f\u6cbb\u80cc\u666f\u3002\u672c\u6587\u7684\u4e3b\u8981\u8bba\u70b9\u662f\uff0c\u5fc5\u987b\u5bf9\u5730\u7f18\u653f\u6cbb\u80cc\u666f\u8fdb\u884c\u7406\u8bba\u5316\u4ee5\u4fbf\u7406\u89e3\u56fd\u5bb6\u7684\u51b3\u5b9a\u3002\u672c\u6587\u4f7f\u7528\u5730\u7f18\u653f\u6cbb\u5b66\u7684\u89d2\u5ea6\u5206\u6790\u4e16\u754c\u4f53\u7cfb\uff0c\u4ee5\u63a2\u7a76\u5386\u53f2\u548c\u5f53\u4ee3\u4e2d\u56fd\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u7684\u80cc\u666f\u3002\u672c\u6587\u57fa\u4e8e\u8d44\u672c\u4e3b\u4e49\u4e16\u754c\u7ecf\u6d4e\u7684\u4e2d\u5fc3-\u8fb9\u7f18\u7b49\u7ea7\u4ee5\u53ca\u7ecf\u6d4e\u548c\u9738\u6743\u5468\u671f\u8bba\u521b\u5efa\u4e86\u4e00\u4e2a\u65f6\u7a7a\u77e9\u9635\u3002\u6587\u7ae0\u5bf9\u4e2d\u56fd\u5916\u4ea4\u5468\u671f\u8fdb\u884c\u4e86\u65b0\u5212\u5206\uff08\u4ece1840\u5e74\u52302039\u5e74\uff09\uff0c\u5c06\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u7f6e\u4e8e\u65f6\u7a7a\u77e9\u9635\u4e0b\uff0c\u901a\u8fc7\u8ba8\u8bba\u5f53\u4ee3\u5730\u7f18\u653f\u6cbb\u80cc\u666f\u7684\u7279\u5f81\uff0c\u8bc4\u4f30\u4e2d\u56fd\u5f53\u524d\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u2014\u2014\u5c24\u5176\u662f\u4ee5\u201c\u4e00\u5e26\u4e00\u8def\u201d\u5021\u8bae\u4e3a\u91cd\u70b9\u7684\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u6240\u9762\u4e34\u7684\u673a\u9047\u548c\u6311\u6218\u3002\u6700\u540e\uff0c\u6587\u7ae0\u8ba8\u8bba\u4e86\u8fd9\u5bf9\u5f53\u4ee3\u4e2d\u56fd\u5916\u4ea4\u653f\u7b56\u7684\u5f71\u54cd\u3002<\/span><\/p>\n

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 <\/span><\/section>\n
In the past few years, China has made dramatic foreign policy decisions that have changed both the global landscape and the behaviour of others states. To understand fully the possibilities and limitations of China\u2019s foreign policy, it is important to see its occurrences within geopolitical contexts. The main argument of this article is that geopolitical context must be theorized in order to understand the decisions of states. We define a political geography perspective within a world-systems analysis that creates a Space-Time matrix of context based on the core-periphery hierarchy of the capitalist world economy and economic and hegemonic cycles. Inspired by Chinese scholars and policymakers\u2019 periodisations of Chinese diplomacy, we develop a newperiodisation of Chinese diplomatic cycles from 1840 to 2039. Using this new periodisation of Chinese diplomacy, we situate the changing nature of Chinese foreign policy within our Space-Time matrix. We then evaluate the possibilities and challenges of China\u2019s current foreign policy, with emphasis on the Belt and Road Initiative, by illustrating features of the contemporary geopolitical context. Finally, we discuss the implications of this for contemporary Chinese foreign policy.<\/span><\/section>\n

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\u4e89\u53d6\u6709\u4e89\u8bae\u6027\u7684\u591a\u8fb9\u4e3b\u4e49\uff1a<\/strong>\u4e3a\u4f55\u897f\u65b9\u56fd\u5bb6\u4f1a\u6210\u4e3aAIIB\u521b\u59cb\u6210\u5458\u56fd\uff1f<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Contesting Contested Multilateralism: Why the West Joined the Rest in Founding the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank <\/span><\/section>\n


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\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Jan Knoerich, Francisco Urdinez<\/span><\/section>\n


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This study examines why a large number of Western advanced economies joined the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) in 2015, despite the bank\u2019s purported challenge to the Western-centered international order in the area of multilateral development finance. Through a mixed-method examination involving elite interviews, analysis of government pronouncements and regressions, and drawing on concepts from rational choice theory, international policy diffusion and rational design of international institutions, this study finds that the AIIB\u2019s success in terms of large membership is a result ofChina\u2019s effectiveness in creating demand for the organization among Western advanced economies. We argue that policymakers in Western countries enjoyed the\u201cinduced agency\u201dgranted to them by China in the process of creating the organization and deciding about membership. First, Western advanced economies had agency, as their involvement was needed to prevent the AIIB from becoming a homogenous small organization consisting of Asian debtor countries in favor of a global organization with a heterogeneous group of debtor and creditor country members. The AIIB was thus set up to accommodate the specific economic and political goals of Western advanced economies. Second, Western advanced economies experienced agency in the process of deciding about membership as they were actively courted by China to join the AIIB. China further endorsed the spontaneous intensification of communications about joining the AIIB that ensued among Western advanced economies. Both efforts ultimately resulted inthe diffusion among them of the decision in favor of membership. Third, the Western advanced economies were granted agency in the process of determiningthe AIIB\u2019s organizational design, allowing them to effectively converge the initially-diverse visions for the institutional design of the bank from contesting the existing system of multilateral development banks towards integrating effectively into it. Our study advances theory on country-specific demand for membership in an international organization.<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011<\/strong><\/span>\u96d2\u666f\u745c<\/strong><\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/section>\n
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3.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u65b0\u51b7\u6218\u4e0d\u53ef\u907f\u514d\u5417? \u2014\u2014\u4e2d\u56fd\u5bf9\u7f8e\u4e2d\u6218\u7565\u7ade\u4e89\u7684\u601d\u8003<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Is a New Cold War Inevitable? Chinese Perspectives on US\u2013China Strategic Competition <\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/section>\n


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\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Minghao Zhao  \u8d75\u660e\u660a\uff08\u5bdf\u54c8\u5c14\u5b66\u4f1a\u9ad8\u7ea7\u7814\u7a76\u5458\uff09<\/span><\/section>\n


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In recent years, Chinese scholars and policy elites have discussed the ever intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China andits multifaceted implications for Chinese foreign policy. Some even worry about the possibility of a new Cold War between the United States and China. This article aims to offer an analysis of Chinese perspectives on US\u2013China strategic competition. In the view of most Chinese observers, US\u2013China strategic competition is inevitable because China is closing the national power gap between itself and the United States, while the latter resolutely upholds its global primacy. Other factors, including ideological disagreements, may fuel the major power competition that has extended to most aspects of US\u2013Chinarelations. Chinese observers believe that economic and technological rivalry between the United States and China has heightened and that the Western Pacificis the focal point of US\u2013China strategic competition. Meanwhile, certain Chinese scholars attach greater importance to US\u2013China competition over international prestige and leadership. However, Chinese analysts are not overly pessimistic about the prospects for US\u2013China relations and have raised policy recommendations geared to managing US\u2013China strategic competition and restoring a new equilibrium between the two major powers.<\/span><\/section>\n


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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u51af\u6bd3\u5a67<\/strong><\/span><\/section>\n
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\u56fd\u9645\u6743\u5a01\u7684\u6765\u6e90\u4e4b\u4e00\uff1a<\/strong>\u793c\u7269\u9988\u8d60<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Gift-giving as a Source of International Authority<\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Jorg Kustermans<\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/section>\n


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This article discusses the diplomatic practice of gift-giving in the Ancient Near East and Early Modern East Asia. In both cases, gift-exchange served to consolidate the dominant polity\u2019s international authority. The causal relation between gift-giving and authority is typically rendered in terms of generosity inspiring gratitude, but a different mechanism connects diplomatic gift-giving and the consolidation of international authority. Diplomatic gift-giving is a ceremonial form of gift-exchange and it as a ritual practicehelps maintain international authority. By means of ritualization, diplomatic gift-exchange renders international authority palatable. Ritualization enables both dominant and subordinate actors to come to terms with the ambiguity of the experience of authority. Subordinate actors are at once entranced and frightened by the authority of the dominant actor. The dominant actor feels both pride and insecurity. By defining an identity as participants in a shared ritual, by orchestrating their demeanor during ritual, and by identifying an external source of the dominant actor\u2019s authority, diplomatic gift-giving contributes to the maintenance of international authority. The ambiguity of the experience of authority is probably irreducible. It is therefore to be expected that any case of \u2018international authority\u2019 will feature the performance of similar ritualizing practices.<\/span><\/section>\n


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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>W<\/span>hy Appoint a Weak Mediator? A Strategic Choice to Reduce Uncertainty in International Mediation<\/span><\/p>\n


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\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong><\/span>\u9648\u4e00\u4e00\uff0c\u5170\u5dde\u5927\u5b66\u653f\u6cbb\u4e0e\u56fd\u9645\u5173\u7cfb\u5b66\u9662\u3001\u4e2d\u4e9a\u7814\u7a76\u6240\u526f\u6559\u6388, \u5fb7\u56fd\u5eb7\u65af\u5766\u8328\u5927\u5b66\u653f\u6cbb\u79d1\u5b66\u4e13\u4e1a\u535a\u58eb\u3002\u7814\u7a76\u65b9\u5411\u5305\u62ec\u548c\u5e73\u4e0e\u51b2\u7a81\u7814\u7a76\u3001\u51b2\u7a81\u7ba1\u7406\u4e0e\u89e3\u51b3\u7b49\u3002<\/span><\/section>\n


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Existing research on mediation finds that mediation by a strong mediator is both more prevalent and more conducive to a negotiated settlement. However, why disputants select a weak mediator remains unclear. From the perspective of the uncertainty mechanism, the nature of mediation is a procedure for sharing private information and reducing disputants\u2019 uncertainty regarding the resolve to continue fighting. Disputants can benefit from mediation through gaining acomparative advantage regarding uncertainty by focusing on either controlling the sharing of their own information or increasing their opponents\u2019 sharing of information. With regard to these two strategic choices, this article argues that the selection of a weak mediator is more likely when disputants prefer controlling the sharing of their information to expanding their opponents\u2019 information sharing. Correspondingly, three potential factors that influence the disputants\u2019 strategic choice of gaining a comparative advantage regarding uncertainty are applied, namely, a previous mediation in the dispute; the dispute\u2019s level of hostility; and the power disparity between the disputants. The author compiles data from the International Crisis Behaviour (ICB,1918\u20132015) data set and the International Conflict Management (ICM, 1945\u20132003) data set for the empirical analysis. The results show that mediation by a weak mediator is more likely when it is the first time that the disputants haves ubmitted to mediation in the dispute and when the dispute\u2019s level of hostility is low. In some cases, a large power disparity between the disputants also makes the selection of a weak mediator more likely.<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u9605\u8bfb\u539f\u6587\u53ef\u590d\u5236\u7f51\u5740<\/strong>http:\/\/www.imir.tsinghua.edu.cn\/publish\/iis\/7239\/2019\/20190829142752402479013\/20190829142752402479013_.html<\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c01\u671f | Review of International Studies  Vol.45, No.4, 2019<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c02\u671f | International Relations Vol.33, No.3, 2019<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c03\u671f | International Organization Vol.73, No.3, 2019<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c04\u671f | World Politics, Vol.71, No.4, 2019<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c05\u671f | European Journal of International Relations<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c06\u671f | Security Studies, Vol.28, No.4, 2019<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c07\u671f|International Security, Vol 44, No. 2, 2019<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c08\u671f| Cambridge Review of International Affairs,Vol.32,No.4<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c09\u671f| International Relations of Asia-Pacific Vol.19,No.3<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c10\u671f | International Studies Review, Volume.21, No.3, 2019<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c11\u671f|Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 54, No. 4, 2019<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c12\u671f | International Affairs, Vol.95, No.6\uff0c2019<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c13\u671f|Chinese Journal of International Politics, No.4, 2019<\/span><\/a>
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