{"id":14673,"date":"2019-12-08T13:35:15","date_gmt":"2019-12-08T05:35:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/2019\/12\/31\/a2046d7ad7\/"},"modified":"2020-01-05T22:44:18","modified_gmt":"2020-01-05T14:44:18","slug":"a2046d7ad7","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/2019\/12\/08\/a2046d7ad7\/","title":{"rendered":"\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c12\u671f | International Affairs, Vol.95, No.6\uff0c2019"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\"\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c12\u671f<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n
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\"\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c12\u671f<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n
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\u300a\u56fd\u9645\u4e8b\u52a1\u300b\u662f\u56fd\u9645\u5173\u7cfb\u9886\u57df\u7684\u4e00\u6d41\u5b66\u672f\u671f\u520a\uff0c\u4e5f\u662f\u591a\u5b66\u79d1\u7efc\u5408\u6027\u5b66\u672f\u671f\u520a\u3002\u672c\u520a\u4e8e<\/span>1992\u5e74\u7531\u4f26\u6566\u7687\u5bb6\u56fd\u9645\u4e8b\u52a1\u7814\u7a76\u6240\u67e5\u5854\u59c6\u5b66\u9662<\/span>(Chatham House)<\/span>\u521b\u7acb\uff0c\u5185\u5bb9\u6765\u6e90\u5e7f\u6cdb\uff0c\u529b\u56fe\u56ca\u62ec\u4e1a\u5185\u4e13\u5bb6\u3001\u5b66\u672f\u65b0\u79c0\u5bf9\u91cd\u70b9\u3001\u70ed\u70b9\u95ee\u9898\u7684\u6700\u65b0\u601d\u8003\u3002\u671f\u520a\u5f71\u54cd\u56e0\u5b50\u4e3a<\/span><\/span>3.748<\/span>\uff0c<\/span><\/span>\u5728<\/span>91\u79cd\u56fd\u9645\u5173\u7cfb\u7c7b\u520a\u7269\u4e2d\u4f4d\u5217\u7b2c<\/span>5<\/span>\u540d\u3002<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n


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\u7f16\u8bd1\uff1a\u90a2<\/span> \u620e<\/span> \u664b<\/span> \u7389<\/span> \u80e1<\/span> \u8d3a<\/span> \u7f2a\u9ad8\u610f<\/span> \u5468\u5fc3\u57f9 <\/span>\u674e\u96ef\u73f2<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u5ba1\u6821\uff1a\u80e1<\/span> \u8d3a<\/span> \u674e\u96ef\u73f2<\/span> \u6731\u6587\u83e1<\/span> \u4e01\u4f1f\u822a<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Well, what is the feminist perspective on international affairs?  theory\/ practice<\/span><\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n


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The everyday practices of global finance: gender and regulatory politics of \u2018diversity\u2019  <\/span><\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n


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Marking failure, making space: feminist interventions in Security Council policy<\/span><\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n


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1.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong><\/span>Well, what is the feminist perspective on international affairs?: theory\/ practice<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/span><\/strong><\/span>Helen M. Kinsella\uff08\u7f8e\u56fd\u660e\u5c3c\u82cf\u8fbe\u5927\u5b66\uff09\uff1bLaura J. Shepherd\uff08\u6fb3\u5927\u5229\u4e9a\u65b0\u5357\u5a01\u5c14\u58eb\u5927\u5b66\uff09<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/span><\/strong><\/span>\u8fd9\u7bc7\u7b80\u4ecb\u8be6\u7ec6\u9610\u8ff0\u4e86\u739b\u4e3d\u897f\u5a05\u00b7\u624e\u52d2\u65af\u57fa\uff08<\/span>Marysia Zalewski<\/span>\uff09\u5728\u8fc7\u53bb\u4e09\u5341\u5e74\u4e2d\u6240\u505a\u7684\u5927\u91cf\u5de5\u4f5c\uff0c\u8fd9\u4e9b\u5de5\u4f5c\u4e0d\u4ec5\u8bba\u8bc1\u4e86\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u6a21\u5f0f\u4e3a\u4e16\u754c\u653f\u6cbb\u63d0\u4f9b\u4e86\u6709\u76ca\u4e4b\u8a00\u3001\u6709\u7528\u4e4b\u7b56\uff0c\u800c\u4e14\u4e3a\u7814\u7a76\u653f\u6cbb\u548c\u56fd\u9645\u5173\u7cfb\u7684\u5b66\u8005\u63d0\u4f9b\u4e86\u4e00\u4e2a\u5f3a\u6709\u529b\u7684\u6846\u67b6\u3002\u6b63\u5982\u7814\u8ba8\u4f1a\u6240\u8ff0\uff0c\u5979\u7684\u4f5c\u54c1\u6df1\u6df1\u690d\u6839\u4e8e\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u7684\u7406\u8bba\u548c\u5b9e\u8df5\u4e4b\u4e2d\uff0c\u5176\u5f71\u54cd\u8fdc\u8fdc\u8d85\u51fa\u4e86\u5b66\u79d1\u7684\u8303\u7574\uff0c\u5e76\u89e6\u53ca\u4e86\u7ecf\u9a8c\u4e3b\u4e49\u548c\u56fd\u9645\u653f\u6cbb\uff0c\u5bf9\u91d1\u878d\u3001\u6050\u6016\u4e3b\u4e49\u548c\u66b4\u529b\u90fd\u4ea7\u751f\u4e86\u663e\u800c\u6613\u89c1\u7684\u5f71\u54cd\u3002<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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This brief introduction elaborates on Marysia Zalewski\u2019s signi\ufb01cant body of work over the past three decades, which provides not only ample evidence of the bene\ufb01ts of feminist modes of encountering world politics, but also a robust framework for enquiry for scholars of politics and international relations. Her work, while deeply rooted in feminist theories and practice, has implications which go far beyond disciplinary determinations and touch upon, as the symposium demonstrates, the empirics, and the impact of international politics writ large, from \ufb01nance to terrorism to violence.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u90a2\u620e<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6821\u5bf9\u3011\u80e1\u8d3a<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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2.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u7684\u65e5\u5e38\u5b9e\u8df5<\/span>\uff1a<\/span><\/strong>\u6027\u522b\u4e0e\u591a\u5143\u7684\u76d1\u7ba1\u653f\u6cbb<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>The everyday practices of global finance: gender and regulatory politics of \u2018diversity\u2019<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Penny Griffin<\/span>\uff08\u8428\u52d2\u59c6\u5b66\u9662\uff09<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/strong>\u672c\u6587\u8ba4\u4e3a\uff0c\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u5b9e\u8df5\u63d0\u4f9b\u4e86\u4e30\u5bcc\u7684\u673a\u4f1a\uff0c\u6765\u8003\u5bdf\u65e5\u5e38\u751f\u6d3b\u4e2d\u7684\u6027\u522b\u4f53\u73b0\uff0c\u4f46\u5728\u91d1\u878d\u751f\u6d3b\u4e2d\uff0c\u6027\u522b\u4f53\u73b0\u53d7\u5230\u9ad8\u5ea6\u76d1\u7ba1\u3002\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u5371\u673a\u7206\u53d1\u540e\uff0c\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u7684\u201c\u591a\u5143\u8bae\u7a0b\u201d\u5174\u8d77\uff0c\u672c\u6587\u63a2\u6c42\u4e86\u8fd9\u79cd\u201c\u591a\u5143\u201d\u662f\u5982\u4f55\u5851\u9020\u56fd\u9645\u91d1\u878d\u670d\u52a1\u4e1a\u7684\uff0c\u662f\u5426\u6311\u6218\u4e86\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u6027\u522b\u6743\u529b\u7684\u518d\u751f\u4ea7\u3002\u8fd1\u6765\uff0c\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u653f\u6cbb\u7ecf\u6d4e\u5b66\u7684\u521b\u65b0\u5bf9\u5168\u7403\u653f\u6cbb\u7ecf\u6d4e\u5b66\u7684\u7814\u7a76\u8005\u4eec\u63d0\u51fa\u6311\u6218\uff0c\u4ee5\u63a2\u7a76\uff08\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u7684\uff09\u65e5\u5e38\u5b9e\u8df5\u662f\u5982\u4f55\u4f53\u73b0\u6027\u522b\u548c\u76d1\u7ba1\u6743\u529b\u7684\u3002\u672c\u6587\u5e94\u5bf9\u8fd9\u4e00\u6311\u6218\uff0c\u5206\u6790\u4e86\u91d1\u878d\u670d\u52a1\u4e2d\u201c\u591a\u5143\u201d\u7684\u5174\u8d77\u6240\u63ed\u793a\u7684\u6027\u522b\u6743\u529b\u548c\u65e5\u5e38\u7ecf\u6d4e\u5b9e\u8df5\u7684\u91cd\u8981\u4ea4\u6c47\u70b9\u3002\u672c\u6587\u8fd0\u7528\u739b\u4e3d\u897f\u5a05\u00b7\u624e\u52d2\u65af\u57fa\uff08<\/span>Marysia Zalewski\uff09\u7684\u7406\u8bba\u6846\u67b6\u8fdb\u884c\u62d3\u5c55\u7814\u7a76\uff0c\u63a2\u7a76\u6027\u522b\u662f\u5982\u4f55\u4ee5\u4e0d\u88ab\u627f\u8ba4\u7684\u65b9\u5f0f\u5f71\u54cd\u7740\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\uff0c\u800c\u8fd9\u53c8\u662f\u6301\u7eed\u548c\u4e0d\u786e\u5b9a\u7684\u3002\u672c\u6587\u63d0\u51fa\uff0c\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u4e2d\u201c\u591a\u5143\u8bae\u7a0b\u201d\u7684\u5b9e\u8df5\u53ca\u5176\u672a\u6765\u63d0\u4f9b\u4e86\u4e00\u4e2a\u7a97\u53e3\uff0c\u4ee5\u900f\u89c6\u5168\u7403\u91d1\u878d\u7684\u6301\u7eed\u5931\u8d25\uff0c\u6765\u91cd\u65b0\u914d\u7f6e\u8d77\u57fa\u7840\u4f5c\u7528\u7684\u7537\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\uff0c\u5e76\u4f7f\u91d1\u878d\u884c\u4e3a\u8005\u5f00\u59cb\u91cd\u89c6\u56fd\u9645\u91d1\u878d\u8d56\u4ee5\u5f62\u6210\u7684\u3001\u4e3a\u4e4b\u57fa\u7840\u7684\u6027\u522b\u795e\u8bdd\u3002<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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This article argues that practices of global \ufb01nance provide a rich opportunity to consider gender\u2019s embodiment in everyday, but highly regulatory, \ufb01nancial life. Tracing a pathway through the rise of the \u2018diversity agenda\u2019 in global \ufb01nance in the wake of the global \ufb01nancial crisis, the article asks how \u2018diversity\u2019 has shaped the global \ufb01nancial services industry, and whether it has challenged the reproduction of gendered power in global \ufb01nance. Recent, innovative feminist political economy work has laid out a clear challenge to researchers of the global political economy to explore how everyday practices have become signi\ufb01cant sites of gendered, regulatory power, and this article takes up this challenge, analysing how the rise of \u2018diversity\u2019 in \ufb01nancial services reveals the crucial intersections of gendered power and everyday economic practices. Using a conceptual framework drawn explicitly from Marysia Zalewski\u2019s work, this article advances critical inquiry into how gender has become an often unacknowledged way of writing the world of global \ufb01nance, in ongoing, and problematic, ways. It proposes that the practices and futures of the diversity agenda in global \ufb01nance provide a window into the persistent failure of global \ufb01nance to recon\ufb01gure its foundational masculinism, and asks that \ufb01nancial actors begin to take seriously the foundational, gendered myths on which global \ufb01nance has been built.<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u90a2\u620e<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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3.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u52c7\u6562\u5730\u6279\u5224\u6027\u66b4\u529b\uff1a\u56de\u5e94<\/span><\/strong>2018\u5e74\u8bfa\u8d1d\u5c14\u548c\u5e73\u5956<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong><\/span>Courageously critiquing sexual violence: responding to the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong><\/span>Maria Stern\uff08\u745e\u5178\u54e5\u5fb7\u5821\u5927\u5b66\uff09<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/strong><\/span>\u5973\u6743\u4e3b\u4e49\u5b66\u8005\u739b\u4e3d\u897f\u5a05\u00b7\u624e\u52d2\u65af\u57fa\uff08<\/span>Marysia Zalewski\uff09\u7684\u4f5c\u54c1\u544a\u8bc9\u6211\u4eec\u8981\u8b66\u60d5\u58a8\u5b88\u6210\u89c4\uff0c\u8981\u5236\u5b9a\u8fde\u8d2f\u7684\u884c\u52a8\u8ba1\u5212\uff0c\u8981\u614e\u8a00\u5df2\u7ecf\u5145\u5206\u4e86\u89e3\u5e76\u638c\u63e1\u5173\u4e8e\u5371\u9669\u3001\u66b4\u529b\u3001\u4ee5\u53ca\u5176\u4e3b\u4f53\u548c\u6551\u6d4e\u7684\u6709\u5173\u77e5\u8bc6\uff0c\u8981\u907f\u514d\u5927\u5f20\u65d7\u9f13\u7684\u5ba3\u626c\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u7684\u5230\u6765\uff0c\u8981\u8c28\u614e\u5bf9\u5f85\u770b\u4f3c\u5df2\u7ecf\u53d6\u5f97\u80dc\u5229\u7684\u7814\u7a76\u6210\u679c\u3002\u624e\u52d2\u65af\u57fa\u7684\u8457\u4f5c\u4e00\u76f4\u7528\u4e0d\u540c\u7684\u65b9\u5f0f\u63d0\u9192\u7740\u4eba\u4eec\uff1a\u201c\u6211\u4eec\/<\/span>\u5979\u751a\u81f3\u8fde\u6027\u522b\u662f\u4ec0\u4e48\u3001\u5b83\u7684\u4f5c\u7528\u662f\u4ec0\u4e48\u90fd\u4e0d\u77e5\u9053\u201d\u3002\u8fd9\u770b\u4f3c\u7b80\u5355\u7684\u8bdd\u8bed\u5e76\u4e0d\u662f\u5bf9\u6027\u522b\u4e3b\u6d41\u5316\u653f\u7b56\u4e2d\u7814\u7a76\u7a7a\u767d\u7684\u8f7b\u7387\u56de\u5e94\uff0c\u800c\u662f\u5728\u6211\u4eec\u6240\u8bfb\u3001\u6240\u5199\u7684\u6709\u5173\u56fd\u9645\u5173\u7cfb\u7406\u8bba\u3001\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u3001\u6027\u522b\u66b4\u529b\u7684\u6587\u672c\u4e2d\u7684\u9192\u76ee\u6279\u6ce8\u3002\u7136\u800c\uff0c\u5728\u6211\u4eec\u6025\u4e8e\u7406\u89e3\u548c\u786e\u8ba4\u6027\u522b\u4f24\u5bb3\u7684\u6709\u6548\u6027\u548c\u91cd\u8981\u6027\u5bfb\u6c42\u8865\u6551\u7684\u8fc7\u7a0b\u4e2d\uff0c\u5e38\u5e38\u9057\u5fd8\u8fd9\u4e00\u6df1\u523b\u7684\u6559\u8bad\u3002\u672c\u6587\u901a\u8fc7\u56de\u987e\u624e\u52d2\u65af\u57fa\u7684\u4f5c\u54c1\uff0c\u5ba1\u614e\u3001\u6279\u5224\u5730\u56de\u5e942<\/span>018\u5e74\u8bfa\u8d1d\u5c14\u548c\u5e73\u5956\u3002\u672c\u6587\u65e0\u610f\u6df1\u5165\u63a2\u8ba8\u8bfa\u8d1d\u5c14\u548c\u5e73\u5956\u4e2d\u6240\u8574\u542b\u7684\u653f\u6cbb\u4ea6\u6216\u5956\u9879\u672c\u8eab\u7684\u5f71\u54cd\uff0c\u800c\u662f\u628a<\/span>2018\u5e74\u8bfa\u8d1d\u5c14\u548c\u5e73\u5956\u4f5c\u4e3a\u4e00\u4e2a\u5f00\u59cb\u5bf9\u6027\u66b4\u529b\u8fdb\u884c\u53cd\u601d\u4e0e\u6279\u5224\u7684\u6807\u5fd7\u65f6\u523b\u3002<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n
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Marysia Zalewski\u2019s work has taught us, as a collective of feminist scholars, to be cautious of neat instruction manuals and coherently set out plans of action; of claims to sure knowledge about danger, violence, and its subjects and remedies; of the fanfare of grand arrivals; and of the quieter staking of ground that has been seemingly won. Zalewski has persistently reminded us in different ways that we\/ she does \u2018not even know what gender is or does\u2019. Far from a \ufb02ippant response to the emptiness of gender mainstreaming policies, this seemingly simple statement instead serves as a glaring post-it note on the margins of our texts about International Relations theory, feminism, sex\/gender and violence\u2014 both those that we read, as well as those that we write. However, this lesson is often forgotten in our rush to understand and establish gendered harms as valid and important, and to seek their redress. Gleaning insights from Zalewski\u2019s work, this article critically considers possible responses to the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize. Its aim is not to delve into a discussion of the politics or effects of the Peace Prize as such, but to instead use the 2018 Peace Prize as a marker\u2014a moment to consider the possibility for critique in relation to sexual violence.<\/span><\/section>\n

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\u6807\u8bb0\u5931\u8d25\uff0c\u521b\u9020\u7a7a\u95f4\uff1a\u8054\u5408\u56fd\u5b89\u7406\u4f1a\u653f\u7b56\u4e2d\u7684\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u5e72\u9884<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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<\/span><\/span>\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong><\/span>Mar<\/span>king failure, making space: feminist interventions in Security Council policy<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Sa<\/span>m <\/span>Cook<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/strong>\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u5bf9\u56fd\u9645\u653f\u6cbb\u7684\u5e72\u9884\u901a\u5e38\u88ab\u8ba4\u4e3a\u662f\u5bf9\u653f\u7b56\u6587\u672c\u7684\u5e72\u9884\u3002\u8fd9\u4e9b\u653f\u7b56\uff08\u672c\u6587\u4e2d\u6307\u8054\u5408\u56fd\u5b89\u7406\u4f1a\u5173\u4e8e\u5973\u6027\u3001\u548c\u5e73\u548c\u5b89\u5168\u7684\u51b3\u8bae\uff09\u901a\u5e38\u662f\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u4e3b\u5f20\u52aa\u529b\u7684\u7ec8\u70b9\uff0c\u6216\u662f\u5bf9\u5973\u6027\u4e3b\u4e49\u5206\u6790\u548c\u8bc4\u5224\u7684\u8d77\u70b9\u3002\u739b\u4e3d\u897f\u5a05\u00b7\u624e\u52d2\u65af\u57fa\uff08<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n
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Marysia Zalewski<\/span><\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n
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feminist<\/span><\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n
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Feminist interventions in international politics are, more often than not, understood (and visible) as interventions in relation to policy documents. These policies\u2014in this case the United Nations Security Council\u2019s resolutions on Women, Peace and Security\u2014often feature as the end point of feminist advocacy efforts or as the starting point for feminist analysis and critique. In this article the author responds to the provocations throughout Marysia Zalewski\u2019s work to think (and tell) the spaces of international politics differently, in this case by working with the concept of feminist failure as it is produced in feminist policy critique. Inspired by Zalewski\u2019s Feminist International Relations: exquisite corpse, the article explores the material and imaginary spaces in which both policies and critique are produced. It picks up and reflects upon a narrative refrain recognizable in feminist critiques on Women, Peace and Security policy\u2014that we must not make war safe for women\u2014as a way to reflect on the inevitability of failure and the ostensible boundaries between theory and practice. The author takes permission from Zalewski\u2019s creative interventions and her recognition of the value of the \u2018detritus of the everyday\u2019\u2014here a walk from New York\u2019s Grand Central Station to the UN Headquarters, musings on the flash of a particular shade of blue, and the contents of a footnoted acknowledgement, begin to trace an international political space that is produced through embodied and quotidian practice.<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u674e\u96ef\u73f2<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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5.<\/strong> <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u79d8\u5bc6\u3001\u95f4\u8c0d\u548c\u53d1\u5c55\u4e2d\u56fd\u5bb6\uff1a<\/span>\u8d85\u8d8a\u201c\u4e94\u773c\u201d\u8054\u76df\u7684\u60c5\u62a5\u7814\u7a76<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Secrecy, spies and the global South: intelligence studies beyond the \u2018Five Eyes\u2019 alliance<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Zakia Shiraz<\/span>\uff08\u83b1\u65af\u7279\u5927\u5b66\uff09\uff0c<\/span>Richard J. Aldrich<\/span>\uff08\u534e\u5a01\u5927\u5b66\uff09<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/strong>\u79d8\u5bc6\u548c\u95f4\u8c0d\u7814\u7a76\u957f\u671f\u4ee5\u6765\u88ab\u82f1\u7f8e\u56fd\u5bb6\u4e3b\u5bfc\u3002\u6700\u8fd1\u51e0\u5e74\u5f00\u59cb\u6709\u4e00\u4e9b\u5b66\u8005\u5c06\u7814\u7a76\u89c6\u89d2\u8f6c\u5411\u5168\u7403\u5176\u4ed6\u5730\u533a\uff0c\u5305\u62ec\u53d1\u5c55\u4e2d\u56fd\u5bb6\u3002\u8fd9\u5728\u4e00\u5b9a\u7a0b\u5ea6\u4e0a\u662f\u56e0\u4e3a\u4eba\u4eec\u5bf9\u201c\u963f\u62c9\u4f2f\u4e4b\u6625\u201d\u548c\u201c\u7ba1\u7406\u5f0f\u6c11\u4e3b\u201d\u6216\u201c\u53ef\u63a7\u6c11\u4e3b\u201d\uff08<\/span>managed democracy\uff09\u4ea7\u751f\u4e86\u6d53\u539a\u7684\u5174\u8da3\uff0c\u5e76\u5c06\u66f4\u591a\u7684\u79d8\u5bc6\u673a\u6784\u7f6e\u4e8e\u805a\u5149\u706f\u4e0b\u3002\u7136\u800c\uff0c\u7814\u7a76\u65b9\u6cd5\u4ecd\u7136\u88ab\u6765\u81ea\u201c\u4e94\u773c\u201d\u8054\u76df\u82f1\u8bed\u56fd\u5bb6\u53ca\u5176\u6b27\u6d32\u5148\u9a71\u8005\u7684\u6982\u5ff5\u548c\u65b9\u6cd5\u6240\u4e3b\u5bfc\u3002\u672c\u6587\u547c\u5401\u91cd\u65b0\u5ba1\u89c6\u60c5\u62a5\u7814\u7a76\u7684\u7814\u7a76\u7b56\u7565\u548c\u90a3\u4e9b\u7406\u8bba\u5316\u7684\u76d1\u89c6\uff0c\u8fd9\u4e24\u4e2a\u9886\u57df\u90fd\u6709\u5f88\u591a\u503c\u5f97\u4ece\u533a\u57df\u7814\u7a76\u548c\u53d1\u5c55\u7814\u7a76\u4e2d\u5b66\u4e60\u7684\u5730\u65b9\uff0c\u7279\u522b\u662f\u5728\u7814\u7a76\u5b9e\u8df5\u548c\u4f26\u7406\u9886\u57df\u3002\u5982\u679c\u8d8a\u6765\u8d8a\u591a\u4e13\u95e8\u4ece\u4e8b\u60c5\u62a5\u5de5\u4f5c\u7684\u5b66\u8005\u771f\u5fc3\u5e0c\u671b\u5411\u524d\u8fc8\u8fdb\uff0c\u7814\u7a76\u53d1\u5c55\u4e2d\u56fd\u5bb6\uff0c\u4ed6\u4eec\u5c31\u9700\u8981\u91cd\u65b0\u601d\u8003\u81ea\u5df1\u7684\u5de5\u5177\uff0c\u5e76\u5411\u5176\u4ed6\u5b66\u79d1\u5b66\u4e60\u3002\u6211\u4eec\u8ba4\u4e3a\u6709\u4e00\u4e2a\u4e30\u5bcc\u7684\u4f20\u7edf\u53ef\u4ee5\u501f\u9274\u3002<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n
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The study of secrecy and spies remain subjects dominated by Anglo-American experiences. In recent years there has been some effort to refocus the lens of research upon \u2018intelligence elsewhere\u2019, including the global South. This is partly because of intense interest in the Arab Spring and \u2018managed democracy\u2019 placing a wider range of secret services under the spotlight. However, the approach to research is still dominated by concepts and methods derived from studying the English-speaking states of the \u2018Five Eyes\u2019 alliance and their European outriders. This article calls for a re-examination of research strategies for Intelligence Studies and for those theorizing surveillance, suggesting that both fields have much to learn from area studies and development studies, especially in the realm of research practice and ethics. If the growing number of academics specializing in intelligence genuinely wish to move forward and examine the global South, they will need to rethink their tool-kit and learn from other disciplines. We suggest there is a rich tradition to draw upon.<\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u674e\u96ef\u73f2<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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6.<\/strong> <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Brexit and the UN Security Council: declining British influence?<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Jess Gifkins<\/span>(<\/span>\u66fc\u5207\u65af\u7279\u5927\u5b66<\/span>)\uff1b<\/span>Samuel Jarvis<\/span>(<\/span>\u5170\u5361\u65af\u7279\u5927\u5b66<\/span>)\uff1b<\/span>Jason Ralph<\/span>(<\/span>\u5229\u5179\u5927\u5b66<\/span>)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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The United Kingdom\u2019s decision to leave the European Union has ramifications beyond the UK and the EU. This article analyses the impact of the Brexit referendum on the UK\u2019s political capital in the United Nations Security Council; a dimension of Brexit that has received little attention thus far. Drawing on extensive elite interviews we show that the UK has considerable political capital in the Council, where it is seen as one of the most effective actors, but the reputational costs of Brexit are tarnishing this image. With case-studies on the UK\u2019s role in Somalia and Yemen we show how the UK has been able to further its interests with dual roles in the EU and Security Council, and the risks posed by tensions between trade and human rights after Brexit. We also analyse what it takes to be influential within the Security Council and argue that more attention should be paid to the practices of diplomacy. Influence is gained via penholding, strong diplomatic skill and a well-regarded UN permanent representative. The UK accrues political capital as a leader on the humanitarian and human rights side of the Council\u2019s agenda, but this reputation is at risk as it exits the EU.<\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u7f2a\u9ad8\u610f<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Brexit identities and British public opinion on China<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Wilfred M. Chow<\/span>(<\/span>\u9999\u6e2f\u5927\u5b66<\/span>)\uff1b<\/span>Enze Han<\/span>(<\/span>\u9999\u6e2f\u5927\u5b66<\/span>)\uff1b<\/span>Xiaojun Li<\/span>(<\/span>\u4e0d\u5217\u98a0\u54e5\u4f26\u6bd4\u4e9a\u5927\u5b66<\/span>)<\/span><\/p>\n

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Many studies have explored the importance of public opinion in British foreign policy decision-making, especially when it comes to the UK\u2019s relations with the United States and the European Union. Despite its importance, there is a dearth of research on public opinion about British foreign policy towards other major players in the international system, such as emerging powers like China. We have addressed this knowledge gap by conducting a public opinion survey in the UK after the Brexit referendum. Our research findings indicate that the British public at large finds China\u2019s rise disconcerting, but is also pragmatic in its understanding of how the ensuing bilateral relations should be managed. More importantly, our results show that views on China are clearly split between the two opposing Brexit identities. Those who subscribe strongly to the Leave identity, measured by their aversion to the EU and antipathy towards immigration, are also more likely to hold negative perceptions of Chinese global leadership and be more suspicious of China as a military threat. In contrast, those who espouse a Remain identity\u2014that is, believe that Britain would be better served within the EU and with more immigrants\u2014are more likely to prefer closer engagement with China and to have a more positive outlook overall on China\u2019s place within the global community.<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u7f2a\u9ad8\u610f<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>China\u2019s ivory <\/span><\/span>bans: enhancing soft power through wildlife conservation<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Jonas Gamso<\/span>\uff0c\u4e9a\u5229\u6851\u90a3\u5dde\u7acb\u5927\u5b66\u96f7\u9e1f\u5168\u7403\u7ba1\u7406\u5b66\u9662\u52a9\u7406\u6559\u6388\u3002<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/strong>\u51e0\u4e2a\u4e16\u7eaa\u4ee5\u6765\uff0c\u4e2d\u56fd\u4e00\u76f4\u662f\u8c61\u7259\u7684\u4e3b\u8981\u5e02\u573a\u3002\u4e0d\u8fc7\uff0c\u4e2d\u56fd\u653f\u5e9c\u6700\u8fd1\u9881\u5e03\u4e86\u7981\u6b62\u8c61\u7259\u8fdb\u51fa\u53e3\uff08<\/span><\/span>2015<\/span>\u5e74\uff09\u548c\u7981\u6b62\u56fd\u5185\u8c61\u7259\u8d38\u6613\uff08<\/span>2017<\/span>\u5e74\uff09\u7684\u7981\u4ee4\u3002\u8fd9\u4f3c\u662f\u5bf9\u56fd\u5185\u5916\u793e\u4f1a\u6d3b\u52a8\u4eba\u58eb\u7684\u5bc6\u96c6\u793a\u5a01\u548c\u516c\u7136\u7f9e\u8fb1\u7684\u56de\u5e94\uff0c\u8fd9\u4e9b\u793e\u4f1a\u6d3b\u52a8\u4eba\u58eb\u5386\u6570\u4e86\u5927\u8c61\u6570\u76ee\u7684\u4e0b\u964d\u53ca\u5176\u4e0e\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u5173\u8054\u3002\u7136\u800c\uff0c\u8fd9\u79cd\u7f9e\u8fb1\u5f0f\u53d9\u8ff0\uff08<\/span>shaming-narrative<\/span>\uff09\u4e0e\u4e2d\u56fd\u51b3\u7b56\u7684\u4f20\u7edf\u667a\u6167\u76f8\u6096\uff1a\u4e2d\u56fd\u901a\u5e38\u6297\u62d2\u56fd\u9645\u538b\u529b\uff0c\u800c\u5176\u5a01\u6743\u653f\u5e9c\u88ab\u8ba4\u4e3a\u5728\u5f88\u5927\u7a0b\u5ea6\u4e0a\u7f6e\u56fd\u5185\u5e02\u6c11\u793e\u4f1a\u7684\u547c\u58f0\u4e8e\u4e0d\u987e\u3002\u672c\u6587\u8bd5\u56fe\u534f\u8c03\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u8c61\u7259\u7981\u4ee4\u4e0e\u8fd9\u4e9b\u6709\u5173\u4e2d\u56fd\u51b3\u7b56\u7684\u4f20\u7edf\u89c2\u70b9\u3002\u4f5c\u8005\u8ba4\u4e3a\uff0c\u4e2d\u56fd\u653f\u5e9c\u8ba4\u8bc6\u5230\u4e86\u5728\u56fd\u9645\u6ce8\u89c6\u4e0b\uff0c\u7981\u6b62\u8c61\u7259\u8d38\u6613\u72ec\u6709\u88e8\u76ca\u3002\u8fd9\u6837\u505a\u65e2\u589e\u5f3a\u4e86\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u8f6f\u5b9e\u529b\uff0c\u53c8\u4e0d\u5f71\u54cd\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u4e3b\u6743\u6216\u53d1\u5c55\u3002\u5728\u4e2d\u56fd\u5883\u5185\u5916\u8fd0\u4f5c\u7684\u975e\u653f\u5e9c\u7ec4\u7ec7\u4e5f\u53d1\u6325\u4e86\u4f5c\u7528\uff1a\u56fd\u5185\u7684\u975e\u653f\u5e9c\u7ec4\u7ec7\u4e3a\u9881\u5e03\u7981\u4ee4\u5851\u9020\u516c\u4f17\u8206\u8bba\u57fa\u7840\uff0c\u800c\u5728\u56fd\u5916\u7684\u975e\u653f\u5e9c\u7ec4\u7ec7\u5219\u5e26\u5934\u8fdb\u884c\u516c\u5173\u5ba3\u4f20\uff0c\u8ba9\u5916\u56fd\u89c2\u4f17\u770b\u5230\u4e2d\u56fd\u4eba\u5bf9\u8c61\u7259\u7684\u9700\u6c42\u3002\u540e\u8005\u7684\u52aa\u529b\u52a0\u5927\u4e86\u5bf9\u4e2d\u56fd\u653f\u5e9c\u7684\u538b\u529b\uff0c\u8feb\u4f7f\u5176\u51b3\u5b9a\u63a7\u5236\u8c61\u7259\u5e02\u573a\u4ee5\u589e\u5f3a\u8f6f\u5b9e\u529b\u3002<\/span><\/p>\n


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China has been a major market for elephant ivory for centuries. However, the Chinese government recently enacted bans on imports and exports of ivory (2015) and on the domestic ivory trade (2017). These bans appear to have come in response to intensive influence campaigns and public shaming from domestic and foreign activists, who cited declining elephant populations and highlighted China\u2019<\/span>s role. However, this shaming-narrative is at odds with conventional wisdom regarding Chinese policy-making: China typically resists international pressures and its authoritarian government is thought to be largely insulated from domestic efforts by civil society groups. This article reconciles Beijing\u2019s ivory policy with these conventional beliefs about policy-making in China. I argue that the Chinese government saw unique benefits to banning the ivory trade, under growing international scrutiny, as doing so enhanced Chinese soft power while having very little impact on its sovereignty or development. Non-government organizations (NGOs) operating both inside and outside of China played a role as well: NGOs in China helped to shift Chinese public opinion towards favoring the bans, while those operating abroad led public relations efforts to publicize Chinese demand for ivory to foreign audiences. Efforts by the latter group of NGOs intensified pressure on the Chinese government to rein in the ivory market, while increasing the soft power benefits that banning ivory would bring to Beijing.<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u5468\u5fc3\u57f9<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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9.<\/strong> <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>The social construction of the space race: then and now<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Mai\u2019a K. Davis Cross\uff08\u7f8e\u56fd\u4e1c\u5317\u5927\u5b66\uff09<\/span><\/p>\n

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\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/strong>\u7f8e\u56fd\u592a\u7a7a\u90e8\u961f\u7684\u6210\u7acb\u5bfc\u81f4\u4e86\u822a\u5929\u5927\u56fd\u4e4b\u95f4\u7ade\u4e89\u548c\u5a01\u80c1\u610f\u8bc6\u7684\u589e\u5f3a\u3002\u4e16\u754c\u5404\u5730\u7684\u8bb8\u591a\u653f\u5e9c\u9ad8\u7ea7\u5b98\u5458\u548c\u4e13\u5bb6\u8ba4\u4e3a\uff0c\u592a\u7a7a\u5c06\u4e0d\u53ef\u907f\u514d\u5730\u6210\u4e3a\u4e0b\u4e00\u4e2a\u6218\u573a\uff0c\u65e0\u8bba\u662f\u5728\u56fd\u5bb6\u4e4b\u95f4\uff0c\u8fd8\u662f\u79c1\u4eba\u516c\u53f8\u4e4b\u95f4\uff0c\u6216\u4e24\u8005\u517c\u800c\u6709\u4e4b\u3002\u5370\u5ea6\u6210\u529f\u5730\u70b8\u6bc1\u4e86\u4e00\u9897\u536b\u661f\uff0c\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u63a2\u6d4b\u5668\u7740\u9646\u5728\u6708\u7403\u80cc\u9762\uff0c\u8bb8\u591a\u5176\u4ed6\u56fd\u5bb6\u4e5f\u8fc5\u901f\u53d1\u5c55\u4e86\u53d1\u5c04\u80fd\u529b\u3002\u201c\u592a\u7a7a\u7ade\u8d5b<\/span>2.0<\/span>\u201d\u4e00\u8bcd\u88ab\u8d8a\u6765\u8d8a\u591a\u5730\u5f15\u7528\u3002\u4f46\u6211\u4eec\u662f\u5728\u4e00\u573a\u65b0\u7684\u592a\u7a7a\u7ade\u8d5b\u4e2d\uff0c\u8fd8\u662f\u5728\u4e00\u4e2a\u65b0\u7684\u592a\u7a7a\u65f6\u4ee3\u7684\u8fb9\u7f18\uff1f\u672c\u6587\u8ba4\u4e3a\uff0c\u5728\u8fc7\u53bb<\/span>70<\/span>\u5e74\u91cc\uff0c\u5c3d\u7ba1\u653f\u5e9c\u4e3a\u592a\u7a7a\u519b\u4e8b\u5316\u505a\u51fa\u4e86\u8bb8\u591a\u52aa\u529b\uff0c\u4f46\u603b\u4f53\u800c\u8a00\uff0c\u975e\u56fd\u5bb6\u884c\u4e3a\u4f53\u5df2\u7ecf\u786e\u4fdd\u4e86\u5373\u4f7f\u5728\u51b7\u6218\u6700\u6fc0\u70c8\u7684\u65f6\u671f\uff0c\u7a7a\u95f4\u4ecd\u7136\u662f\u4eba\u7c7b\u4e92\u52a8\u7684\u9ad8\u5ea6\u5408\u4f5c\u9886\u57df\u3002\u867d\u7136\u8868\u9762\u4e0a\u6709\u4e00\u79cd\u57fa\u4e8e\u5a01\u80c1\u7684\u7ade\u4e89\u6027\u53d9\u8ff0\uff0c\u4f46\u4f5c\u8005\u8ba4\u4e3a\uff0c\u8fd9\u5728\u5f88\u5927\u7a0b\u5ea6\u4e0a\u662f\u793e\u4f1a\u5efa\u6784\u7684\u3002\u901a\u8fc7\u5bf9\u65b0\u7684\u6863\u6848\u7814\u7a76\u548c\u53c2\u4e0e\u8005\u7684\u89c2\u5bdf\uff0c\u4f5c\u8005\u4e3a\u7406\u89e3\u5f53\u4eca\u7a7a\u95f4\u884c\u4e3a\u4f53\u65e5\u76ca\u591a\u6837\u5316\u7684\u9886\u57df\u63d0\u4f9b\u4e86\u5386\u53f2\u80cc\u666f\u3002<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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The proposed creation of a US Space Force has led to a ratcheting up of a sense of <\/span>competition and threat among spacefaring powers. Many top government officials <\/span>and experts around the world believe that space will inevitably become the next <\/span>battlefield, either among countries, or private companies, or both. India successfully <\/span>blew up a satellite, China landed a probe on the dark side of the moon <\/span>and many other countries have rapidly developed launch capabilities. The term <\/span>\u2018Space Race 2.0\u2019 is increasingly invoked. But are we in the midst of a new space <\/span>race, <\/span>or on the verge of a new space age? This article argues that despite many <\/span>governmental efforts to militarize space over the past 70 years, on the whole, <\/span>non-state actors have ensured that space has been a highly cooperative realm of <\/span>human interaction, even during the height of the Cold War. While on the surface <\/span>there has been a narrative of threat-based competition, the author argues that <\/span>this has largely been socially constructed. Drawing upon fresh archival research <\/span>and participant observation, the author provides the historical context for understanding <\/span>the increasingly diverse field of space actors today.<\/span><\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u4e01\u4f1f\u822a<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

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10.<\/strong> <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u4f5c\u4e3a\u5927\u56fd\u7ade\u4e89\u6218\u7565\u7684\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\u3010\u9898\u76ee\u3011<\/strong>Economic containment as a strategy of Great Power competition<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u4f5c\u8005\u3011<\/strong>Dong Jung Kim<\/span>\uff08\u8036\u9c81-\u65b0\u52a0\u5761\u56fd\u7acb\u5927\u5b66\u5b66\u9662\uff09<\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u6458\u8981\u3011<\/strong>\u5728\u6709\u5173\u7f8e\u56fd\u5bf9\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u53cd\u5e94\u7684\u8457\u8ff0\u4e2d\uff0c\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236\u4e00\u518d\u53d7\u5230\u5173\u6ce8\u3002<\/span>\u7136\u800c\uff0c\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236\u4f5c\u4e3a\u5927\u56fd\u7ade\u4e89\u7684\u4e00\u79cd\u72ec\u7279\u6218\u7565\uff0c\u5176\u5c5e\u6027\u4ecd\u4e0d\u6e05\u695a\u3002<\/span>\u6b64\u5916\uff0c\u5728\u7406\u8bba\u4e0a\uff0c\u4e00\u4e2a\u4e3b\u5bfc\u56fd\u80fd\u591f\u5bf9\u4e00\u4e2a\u6311\u6218\u56fd\u91c7\u53d6\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236\u63aa\u65bd\u7684\u6761\u4ef6\u4ecd\u7136\u662f\u6a21\u7cca\u7684\u3002<\/span>\u672c\u6587\u9996\u5148\u63d0\u51fa\uff0c\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236\u662f\u6307\u5229\u7528\u7ecf\u6d4e\u653f\u7b56\u524a\u5f31\u76ee\u6807\u56fd\u53d1\u52a8\u519b\u4e8b\u4fb5\u7565\u7684\u7269\u8d28\u80fd\u529b\uff0c\u800c\u4e0d\u662f\u5728\u7279\u5b9a\u95ee\u9898\u4e0a\u5f71\u54cd\u7ade\u4e89\u5bf9\u624b\u7684\u884c\u4e3a\u3002<\/span>\u7136\u540e\uff0c\u672c\u6587\u8ba4\u4e3a\uff0c\u5f53\u4e3b\u5bfc\u56fd\u6709\u80fd\u529b\u901a\u8fc7\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236\u7ed9\u6311\u6218\u56fd\u9020\u6210\u66f4\u591a\u635f\u5931\u65f6\uff0c\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236\u4fbf\u6210\u4e3a\u4e00\u79cd\u53ef\u884c\u7684\u9009\u62e9\uff0c\u800c\u8fd9\u79cd\u80fd\u529b\u5728\u5f88\u5927\u7a0b\u5ea6\u4e0a\u53d6\u51b3\u4e8e\u66ff\u4ee3\u7ecf\u6d4e\u4f19\u4f34\u7684\u53ef\u5229\u7528\u6027\u3002<\/span>\u5f53\u4e3b\u5bfc\u56fd\u7531\u4e8e\u66ff\u4ee3\u7ecf\u6d4e\u4f19\u4f34\u7684\u5b58\u5728\u800c\u4e0d\u80fd\u6709\u6548\u5730\u7ed9\u6311\u6218\u56fd\u9020\u6210\u66f4\u591a\u635f\u5931\u65f6\uff0c\u6700\u597d\u907f\u514d\u7ecf\u6d4e\u904f\u5236\u3002<\/span>\u4f5c\u8005\u901a\u8fc7\u5bf9\u51b7\u6218\u65f6\u671f\u7f8e\u56fd\u5bf9\u82cf\u8054\u7684\u53cd\u5e94\u7684\u4e2a\u6848\u7814\u7a76\u6765\u8bc1\u5b9e\u8fd9\u4e9b\u8bba\u70b9\u3002<\/span>\u6587\u7ae0\u6700\u540e\u5206\u6790\u4e86\u7f8e\u56fd\u6700\u8fd1\u5bf9\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u7ecf\u6d4e\u5236\u7ea6\u7684\u6027\u8d28\u3002<\/span><\/p>\n


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Economic containment has garnered repeated attention in the discourse about<\/span> <\/span>the United States\u2019 response to China. Yet, the attributes of economic containment<\/span> <\/span>as a distinct strategy of Great Power competition remain unclear. Moreover,<\/span> <\/span>the conditions under which a leading power can employ economic containment<\/span> <\/span>against a challenging power remain theoretically unelaborated. This article first<\/span> <\/span>suggests that economic containment refers to the use of<\/span> <\/span>economic policies to<\/span> <\/span>weaken the targeted state\u2019s material capacity to start military aggression,<\/span> <\/span>rather<\/span> <\/span>than to influence the competitor\u2019s behaviour over a specific issue. Then, this article<\/span> <\/span>suggests that economic containment becomes a viable option when the leading<\/span> <\/span>power has the ability to inflict more losses on the challenging power through<\/span> <\/span>economic restrictions, and this ability is largely determined by the availability of<\/span> <\/span>alternative economic partners. When the leading power cannot effectively inflict<\/span> <\/span>more losses on the challenging power due to the presence of alternative economic<\/span> <\/span>partners, it is better off avoiding economic containment. The author substantiates<\/span> <\/span>these arguments through case-studies of the United States\u2019 responses to the Soviet<\/span> <\/span>Union during the Cold War. The article concludes by examining the nature of the<\/span> <\/span>United States\u2019 recent economic restrictions against China.<\/span><\/section>\n

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\u3010\u7f16\u8bd1\u3011\u4e01\u4f1f\u822a<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c01\u671f | Review of International Studies  Vol.45, No.4, 2019<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c02\u671f | International Relations Vol.33, No.3, 2019<\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c03\u671f | International Organization Vol.73, No.3, 2019<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c04\u671f | World Politics, Vol.71, No.4, 2019<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c05\u671f | European Journal of International Relations<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c06\u671f | Security Studies, Vol.28, No.4, 2019<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c07\u671f|International Security, Vol 44, No. 2, 2019<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c08\u671f| Cambridge Review of International Affairs,Vol.32,No.4<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c09\u671f| International Relations of Asia-Pacific Vol.19,No.3<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c10\u671f | International Studies Review, Volume.21, No.3, 2019<\/span><\/a>
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\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c11\u671f|Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 54, No. 4, 2019<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n

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\"\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c12\u671f<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n
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\u539f\u6587\u59cb\u53d1\u4e8e\u5fae\u4fe1\u516c\u4f17\u53f7\uff08\u56fd\u653f\u5b66\u4eba\uff09\uff1a\u3010\u65b0\u520a\u901f\u9012\u3011\u7b2c12\u671f | International Affairs, Vol.95, No.6\uff0c2019<\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u671f\u520a\u7b80\u4ecb \u300a\u56fd\u9645\u4e8b\u52a1\u300b\u662f\u56fd\u9645\u5173\u7cfb\u9886\u57df\u7684\u4e00<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":14674,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[36,34],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14673"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14673"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14673\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14685,"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14673\/revisions\/14685"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14674"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14673"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14673"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/115.238.178.234:8090\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14673"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}